The centre of
my native village, Hyen, is a hamlet called Straume. The name comes from “straum”,
which is one of several words in Norwegian that mean “river” or “flow of water”,
and refers to the short but salmon-rich river which flows past the farmstead
which for a long time was the only settlement in the hamlet. The river in
question is one of two rivers that separate the mainland from a small island,
which is called “Straumsholmen”. “Holme” means small island, so the full name
can be translated as “the small island by the river. In our time, this small
island hosts the sole remaining shop of the village, the church, the school,
the care home, the community hall, the gym, a football pitch, and a number of
residential houses, including the one built by my paternal grandparents in the
late 1940s.
At present,
the residents of Straumsholmen are primarily middle class. No one on the island
keeps animals any longer, and the old farmstead of Straume remains the sole
farm in the area. This state of affairs, however, is a relatively recent shift,
and the number of modern residential houses can make it difficult to grasp the
slightly older history of this hamlet, a history in which wealth was divided
among the farmers of Straume and the shopkeepers on the island. At the turn of
the nineteenth century, however, a few smaller farmsteads were leased from the
wealthy farm, and eventually, over the next few decades, the hamlet of Straume
became the home of several families who came to buy the land on which they
lived. These families belonged to a type of rural farmers called “husmenn”,
literally “housemen”, whose relationship with the landlord could be similar to
that of sharecroppers or crofters in the anglophone world. The term is
difficult to translate, however, because the social context of the Western
Norwegian fjords is rather different in its hierarchies and practices than
rural England or Scotland. Moreover, the housemen of the fjords are often
referred to as “bygselhusmenn”, with “bygsel” meaning the act of settling through
clearing the ground and erecting buildings. These families had some livestock,
a small patch of ground, and supplemented their income through work either for
the landlord or in other ways. Fodder for the livestock was often collected by
helping out at other farms, or a family could be allowed to harvest from part
of someone else’s land.
Although my
description of this rural class is rather brief and superfluous, the main point
is that these new settlements that emerged both on the island and on the
mainland from around 1900 onwards were inhabited by people who were often poor,
whose social power was often dependent on local village elites, and who lived a
much more precarious life than most because they initially did not own the land
on which they lived – in short, their livelihood could be taken from them in a
heartbeat.
Today, the
village centre does not contain many traces of this social stratification and
the harsh reality of everyday existence that presided over the housemen. However,
during daily dogwalks I have come to realise that there is one part of the area
which serves as a quiet yet forceful reminder of this aspect of our village’s
past. The part in question is the other river which makes Straumsholmen an
island. This is a small river which does not always run, of a type which in Norwegian
is called “løk” (not to be confused with the word “lauk” which means “onion”, which
is commonly also spelled the same way in modern writing). In our dialect, both
the river and the surrounding area is called “Løkjen” in our local dialect,
meaning simply “the small, trickling river”. This small river is crossed by two
bridges, and at the point of the second crossing the river appears mainly like
a heap of boulders left from the Ice Age, lying inconveniently at the junction
of fresh water and the fjord. A few buildings are located nearby, such as a
well-kept boathouse and the local care home.
When you
stand on the bridge, however, you will see that there are some stones that have
been placed there by human effort, and there is a dent in the shore with logs
of sallow-wood placed breadthwise across the bottom. Slightly beyond that dent
can be seen the foundations of a torn-down house, foundations made from
coarsely cut stones, which have probably been collected after one of the many
erratic boulders that once littered the island had been blown up. This little
corner contains an important clue about the earlier social stratification of
the village, and of the plight of the housemen.
As can be
seen in the pictures, the waterway is not very convenient. The pictures are
taken on high tide, and it is possible to navigate a rowboat through some of
the rocks and into the fjord. When the sea is ebbing, however, it soon becomes
difficult to get through, so all passage has to be planned carefully or one is
forced to get ashore elsewhere and wait until the tide returns. In this place,
however, four families were given the right to keep their boats, one of which
was my paternal grandparents.
The white
boathouse on the left-hand side of the picture is still in use, and it is
well-kept, belonging to a family that bought the property from the housemen who
first leased it from the main farm. The foundation of rough stone on the other
side of the river belongs to my family, and supported the boathouse which my
grandfather used, and which my family dismantled in 2023 because it was on the
brink of collapsing. One other family kept its boat on that stretch of land –
although I do not know exactly where, as the shoreline was altered when the
main road was upgraded some decades ago. Another family has the right to store
boats on the other side of the boulders behind my grandparents’ boathouse, but
no storage facility currently remains.
As might be clear from the photographs, this is not a good location for keeping boats, partly because of the lack of general space, and partly because of the difficult passage. Since the river carries so little water, those who are going on the fjord to fish or collect hay from the farms along the fjord are dependent on the movements of tide and ebb. This area was given to the housemen because the owners of the main farm were not interested in using it themselves, as they had access to the fjord elsewhere. Since housemen could not be choosers, they accepted the locations, and over the decades much effort was put into making it a useful and suitable working space. My grandparents’ boathouse was built in the 1950s, and it was still in use – although badly dilapidated – in the early 1990s. The white boathouse remains in use, but that use remains severely hampered by the erratic boulders left in the small river.
The socioeconomic
context in which these places for boat-keeping were established is now part of
the ever-receding past. My family, for instance, has long since moved our boat for
the fjord to a different place of anchorage, one independent of the tide, and
so have most of the other families who once were housemen in the hamlet. This
patch of the small river serves nonetheless to remind us – by its retained
inaccessibility – of how social hierarchies were once much more severe, and how
social class meant something different in the early twentieth century. This is part
of my family’s history, and part of the histories of countless families in the
western fjords, and we do well in not forgetting it.



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